Europe stood at a crossroads, said the very attractive Secretary of State from Greece. There were times during the discussion which were difficult. But this is what democracy is all about – when you have 27 member states discussing an issue of importance, there are bound to be diverging views. The important thing is to persevere. To remain committed. You know, that is what is truly impressive about Europe. If you look back to the history of European integration, Europe has always found the way ahead; often defying the odds. This happened last month once again. We reached an honourable compromise. I cannot mask the fact that Greece believed that the Constitutional Treaty did furnish the Union with the means to respond effectively to future challenges. Under the circumstance, however, and given the position of all member states, I think we all flew back to our capitals with the sense that a positive step was made. Europe was taken out of the gridlock. We now have to look ahead. The crucial point to remember – and I wish to emphasise that - is that we have made promises which we must honour; commitments which we must uphold; and deadlines which we must adhere to.
Seventeen member states ratified the proposed Constitutional Treaty, while two rejected it through referenda, leading to a collapse. How do you envision the ratification process of the Reform Treaty as proceeding?
It is up to each country to decide, according to its respective Constitution, how to proceed with the ratification process. Similar to the Constitutional Treaty, Greece will ratify the Reform Treaty through parliament. I am hopeful that this treaty will be unanimously ratified by all member states. A great deal of work has been put into it. A great deal of hope for a “better Europe” has been poured into it. We believe it is in the best interest of Europe and Europeans and I sincerely hope that this is something that will be felt by the majority of Europeans.
In the case it is not unanimously approved, what do you think the alternatives are for the future of Europe?
Let’s take one step at a time. Cross that bridge if, rather than when, we come to it. We agreed on a Reform Treaty and this is an important step forward for Europe. We should now focus on communicating what the Reform Treaty is all about to the wider public. This is an important lesson learnt from last time. We must engage and inform the public so as to ensure its approval. The Union should regain the trust of its citizens.
For the first time, European EPP Foreign Ministers gathered last month in Luxembourg ahead of the general Affairs Council and you, along with your Austrian colleague, made a significant contribution. Do you think that this meeting will be institutionalised as the Meise EPP leaders’ meeting ahead of the EU Summit? Do you consider these meetings an important contribution to the European decision making process?
The meeting you refer to was a success. It is significant that every minister was able to attend. This made a huge difference. In my opinion, it was a very worthwhile initiative. I say this because it brought us all closer to our common goal: for the EU, as a whole, to speak with one voice in global issues.
The European Union does not have a leading role in the Western Balkans - leaving dispute resolution to the United Nations and NATO. Do you think that Europe should become more active in shaping the future of the region, with Greece - due to its geographical proximity and experience in the area - taking the lead?
When your neighbour is in trouble you can not just sit by and idly watch. In the past, we have paid dearly for our inability to act. Let me remind you of the so-called - at the time - “hour of Europe” in the early nineties which came and went without Europe being able to avert the tragic consequences of the break out of the former Yugoslavia. Many things have changed since then. Indeed, in pursuit of economic stability and prosperity for the entire region, the EU is Southeast Europe’s largest donor. It is time we match our economic with our political weight. The EU military operation “Althea” and the EU police mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina prove that Europe can play a positive and constructive role. The Balkans remain a work in progress. The prospect of membership in the EU has acted as a great stimulant for change. Greece has strongly supported the integration of the whole of Southeast Europe into one European family. Our overall political direction has been based on a very simple principle: if we are to have peace and prosperity on the Continent, European integration can not be fragmented. We believe the new Europe that is being born will be even richer, stronger and more enduring if it includes Southeastern Europe. We made this policy a cornerstone of our European Council Presidency back in 2003. We supported the EU’s so-called “big-bang” enlargement to include 10 new member states. We warmly welcomed Romania and Bulgaria and encourage the candidacy of Croatia and Turkey.
How do you view the ongoing Kosovo crisis in Europe?
I am not sure I would call it a crisis just yet. The pot is nevertheless simmering and will require careful attention, especially in the coming months. We need clarity that only a Security Council resolution can provide. We believe in the need to devise a viable and sustainable solution. Kosovo is an international problem which requires international solutions. A unilateral solution is simply not conducive. We stand behind and support all efforts to bridge differences and to bring about a compromise which will ensure the functionality and viability of any solution. We have repeatedly called upon both sides to show the necessary constructive spirit and realism during the negotiation process. Our position on the issue of Kosovo’s future status is threefold. First, we continue to insist that any solution should be consistent with the principles and values of the European Union, and should be devised within the framework of the region’s European perspective. Second, we believe that if a democratic Kosovo is to emerge, it will have to become a multiethnic and multicultural society which will tolerate and protect the rights of all its citizens, regardless of religion and ethnic origin. Third, while we do not wish to prolong the feeling of uncertainty surrounding this issue, if more time is needed in order to involve all parties concerned and reach a mutually acceptable solution, then we need to be flexible in this regard. Most important, we must start preparing for the day after. We have to work very hard in order that Kosovo, a landlocked area without many competitive advantages and a history of economic mismanagement, does not become a state that fails to deliver on its promises to people. More than half of the population of Kosovo is under 30. Unemployment is the highest in Europe and opportunities are the lowest. Until such problems are dealt with in Kosovo it will remain a volatile area. So, whatever the outcome of the current talks, the international community in general and the EU in particular must retain its presence in Kosovo for some time.
In Turkey, we are before the paradox of secular political forces led by the army, acting against the European prospects of the country while the traditional Muslim AK party to be in favour of EU-Turkish association. How do you view the political future of Turkey?
I have been in politics long enough to know that stereotypes are never helpful. One thing is clear however. A stable, democratic, European Turkey is essential; essential for the Turkish people, essential for the peoples of the region - particularly us Greeks - essential for all Europeans. In this respect I am convinced that Turkey’s political future is a one-way road. It goes without saying that this will not happen from one day to the next. The road ahead appears long and full of twists and turns. I remain optimistic, however, that at the end of the day the values of democracy will prevail.
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